Politics
June 12: Anxiety mounts over slide to dictatorship
…as President Tinubu’s denial fails to assure Nigerians
On June 12, Nigeria commemorated Democracy Day – a date set aside to honour the sacrifice and struggle that led to the nation’s transition from military dictatorship to civilian rule. It marks the anniversary of the 1993 presidential election, widely considered Nigeria’s freest and fairest, and won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. Though the military annulled the vote, the spirit of June 12 lives on – or so it should.
Ironically, 31 years after that watershed moment, many fear that Nigeria is witnessing a dangerous democratic reversal – and many believe that the nation’s descent into authoritarianism is happening under the very leadership of one of June 12’s chief champions: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Once a NADECO stalwart and symbol of the anti-military resistance, Tinubu now stands accused of eroding the democratic principles he once fought to uphold.
From the illegal ouster of a sitting governor in Rivers State to the criminalization of peaceful protest, suppression of press freedom, and the use of anti-graft laws to silence dissent, many allege that Nigeria’s democratic credentials are under siege. And as the country marked another Democracy Day this year, Nigerians are asking the same question: what is left of democracy under President Tinubu?
Suspension of a Governor
Perhaps, nowhere is the betrayal of democratic principles more glaring than in the unfolding political crisis in Rivers State.
In a move that stunned legal experts and outraged the opposition, the federal government on March 18, 2025 declared a state of emergency in Rivers and removed Gov. Siminalayi Fubara – an elected official – from office. The emergency proclamation cited “security concerns,” but critics maintain it was an orchestrated plot to settle political scores.
Fubara had been locked in a bitter power struggle with his predecessor and now Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike – a powerful ally of President Tinubu. Analysts say Tinubu’s administration sided with Wike, and when Fubara refused to yield, Abuja took the extraordinary step of dissolving the state legislature and suspending the governor – without the approval of the National Assembly or a judicial ruling.
“This is a constitutional travesty,” said Dele Momodu, PDP chieftain and publisher. “What happened in Rivers is nothing short of civilian coup d’état, executed in peacetime and dressed up as a state of emergency.”
Former Bayelsa State governor and serving Senator Seriake Dickson also condemned the action, warning that it has set a dangerous precedent. “The president missed a golden opportunity to use Democracy Day to restore democratic order in Rivers,” Dickson said. “Instead, he stayed silent – and silence in the face of oppression is complicity.”
Even within some elements in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), unease is growing. Former Ekiti State governor and respected progressive voice, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, warned that such moves threaten the integrity of federalism. “This isn’t just about Rivers,” Fayemi said. “If the president can remove one governor outside the law, he can remove anything. Democracy cannot coexist with arbitrary power.”
EndSARS Echoes: Teenagers Tried for Treason
Worryingly, the Tinubu administration’s authoritarian drift has not spared the most vulnerable – teenagers.
In late 2024, in the aftermath of the #EndBadGovernance protests that erupted across parts of the country, particularly the North – a movement inspired by the earlier #EndSARS protests – dozens of underage protesters were arrested in cities like Kano, Sokoto, Bauchi, and Katsina. The protests, largely peaceful, were aimed at rising insecurity, unemployment, and the cost of living.
Shockingly, some of the teenagers were charged with treasonable felony – a charge typically reserved for those plotting to overthrow the state. The detained children were denied bail, and many were held in overcrowded detention facilities under poor sanitary conditions.
It took nationwide outrage, media exposés, and intervention from local and international rights groups before the teenagers were released in early 2025. When they appeared in court, some looked visibly malnourished; one collapsed in the courtroom, prompting tears from onlookers.
Human rights lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, described the situation as “a national disgrace and a humanitarian failure.”
“These are children, not criminals,” he said. “To arrest them for protesting economic hardship, and then charge them with treason, is a frightening sign of how far we’ve strayed from democratic norms.”
A War Against Protest
Under Tinubu, the right to protest – a cornerstone of any democracy – has been effectively criminalized. Security agencies now routinely disrupt planned demonstrations. Protesters are arrested, harassed, or attacked by thugs allegedly hired by state actors.
The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has borne the brunt of this repression. Several of its planned rallies against fuel subsidy removal, naira devaluation, and the rising cost of living have been violently dispersed by security agents. In February, a peaceful demonstration in Abuja turned bloody after police fired tear gas at unarmed workers, some of whom were later detained overnight.
“It’s ironic,” said NLC President Joe Ajaero, “that the same Bola Tinubu, who led street protests in the 1990s now sees public demonstrations as acts of rebellion. He used the streets to build his political career. Now, he is using the police to clear those same streets.”
Former President Goodluck Jonathan was even more pointed in his criticism: “Democracy is not about silencing dissent. It is about managing it. Once a government fears protest, it has lost the moral right to govern.”
Journalists are also being targeted in the new climate of fear. The 2024 amendment to the Cybercrime Act has become a bludgeon against independent media and online critics. The law expands the definition of cyber-stalking and fake news to include any digital content deemed to cause “mental distress” to a public official.
This vague language has led to multiple arrests. In February 2024, Segun Olatunji, editor of FirstNews, was abducted in Lagos after publishing a report implicating top military officers in corruption. He was held incommunicado for days before public outcry forced his release.
Similarly, prominent online activist, Bamidele “Bami” Oluwole, was detained for criticizing Tinubu’s economic policies in a viral tweet. His family said he was denied access to a lawyer for 72 hours.
Civil society groups, led by the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), have challenged the law in court, arguing that it violates constitutional rights to free speech.
The international community has not remained silent. Ahead of the June 12 Democracy Day, the U.S., U.K., Canada, and Germany issued a joint statement urging Nigeria to review the Cybercrime Act. “Democracy thrives when citizens are free to speak, assemble, and express dissent,” the statement read.
Judiciary Under Siege
Many Nigerians are also alarmed by the growing perception that the judiciary is no longer independent.
The delay by the Supreme Court to hear Gov. Fubara’s lawsuit challenging his removal has added fuel to accusations of judicial capture. Critics say the courts have become reluctant to confront the executive, for fear of reprisal or loss of favours.
Senator Dickson warned that Nigeria’s democracy is only as strong as its courts. “Once the judiciary is compromised, the line between law and power disappears,” he said. “We cannot afford that erosion.”
Retired Supreme Court Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad recently decried what he described as “political interference at all levels of our courts,” adding that judicial appointments are now based more on loyalty than merit.
At the heart of this democratic decay, many believe, lies President Tinubu’s over-centralization of power. His presidency has taken on the air of imperialism, critics say, with the president micromanaging everything from party structures to state affairs and even the judiciary.
“Tinubu has reconstructed Nigeria into a one-man presidency,” said Professor Jibrin Ibrahim, senior fellow at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD). “Even during Obasanjo’s years, there was some institutional pushback. Under Tinubu, it’s more like palace politics — silence is loyalty, and loyalty is survival.”
The National Assembly, instead of acting as a check, has largely played the role of rubber stamp, rushing through controversial bills, including budget adjustments, without adequate scrutiny or debate.
“This is not governance; this is monarchism by stealth,” said Dele Momodu. “Aso Rock is becoming a throne.”
Weaponizing Poverty
Compounding the political repression is an economy in free fall. Fuel subsidy removal, naira floatation, and tax hikes have pushed inflation to nearly 35%, with food inflation even higher. Unemployment is surging, and insecurity remains rampant.
This economic desperation has bred public fatigue. Many Nigerians are too focused on daily survival to mount any sustained resistance. It makes supporting government, which has an endless pool of largesse, very attractive.
But analysts warn that repression in an unstable economic environment is a recipe for implosion.
“You can silence dissent for a while, but you cannot silence hunger,” said Y.Z. Ya’u, director of CITAD. “Eventually, people will find other ways to express their rage.”
As Nigeria marked Democracy Day, there was little to celebrate for many citizens. President Tinubu’s speech offered platitudes but no action on the core democratic abuses of which his administration accused. There was no mention of the Rivers crisis. No commitment to review the Cybercrime Act. No empathy for arrested protesters. No pledge to respect press freedom. No promise of electoral reform. Nothing! Only self praise for reforms that are becoming unbearable for Nigerians.
“The real test of a democrat,” Kayode Fayemi said, “is not in how he wins elections, but in how he tolerates opposition. Tinubu is failing that test.”
Dele Momodu put it more bluntly: “What we are seeing is not democratic evolution. It is democratic erosion. A democracy in name, a dictatorship in practice.”
Thirty-one years ago, millions of Nigerians defied fear to vote for MKO Abiola. That spirit – the spirit of June 12 – was not just about an election. It was about hope. It was about freedom. It was about dignity. Today, that spirit appears to be under siege.
Many people warn that for democracy to survive in Nigeria, June 12 must not remain a historical relic or a public holiday of hollow rituals. It must, they say, be reclaimed as a living commitment to civil liberties, rule of law, press freedom, and accountability.
For many observers, it is important to remind President Tinubu that June 12 is not his to appropriate, but Nigeria’s. And Nigerians will not watch silently as it is betrayed.
As Senator Dickson poignantly said, “The best way to honour June 12 is not with speeches, but with actions that defend democracy, not destroy it.”
