Coup saga: North, Buhari’s plot to stop Tinubu?

 Anxiety reigns in barracks, Aso Rock 

For months, it was spoken about in hushed tones inside military formations, and whispered about in the corridors of power in Abuja. What began as a string of quiet arrests of serving officers in September 2025, officially described as investigations into “indiscipline and breach of service regulations,” has now crystallized into an alleged coup plot at violently truncating Nigeria’s democracy and, according to investigators, initially designed to stop the handover of power from former president Muhammadu Buhari to President Bola Tinubu on 29 May 2023.

The Nigerian Defence Headquarters’ eventual admission on 26 January 2026 that some officers were, indeed, being investigated for plotting to overthrow the government, marked a dramatic shift from months of official denials. It also confirmed the discovery of, what authorities describe as a coordinated, multi-layered conspiracy involving mid-to-senior ranking officers across the Army, Navy and Air Force, as well as a web of alleged civilian collaborators, which has triggered deep unease within the armed forces and in Aso Rock.

At the center of the unfolding saga is Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, an infantry officer from Niger State, whom military investigators believe played a central role as the “strategist” and alleged architect of the plot.

Routine Probe to National Security Alarm

When the first set of officers were picked up in late September 2025, the Defense Headquarters insisted there was no coup plot. The narrative then, was that a number of officers were being investigated for professional misconduct linked to promotion examinations and internal discipline.

But behind the scenes, Defense  Intelligence Agency, DIA,  from and the Department of State Security Service (DSS) were painting a darker picture.

According to multiple accounts from military and intelligence sources, the plot began to unravel after a concerned officer approached the then Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Olufemi Oluyede, with the disturbing information.

The officer reportedly feared being implicated as an accessory to treason and decided to alert the military high command about suspicious meetings and conversations centred on plans to overthrow the government.

Around the same time, the DSS had independently gathered intelligence indicating that some serving officers were exploring ways to “destabilize the government and undermine Nigeria’s democracy.” The Director-General of the DSS, Oluwatosin Ajayi, is said to have personally briefed Oluyede, prompting a quiet, but swift joint operation between the DIA and the intelligence service.

Coordinated arrests were carried out across different parts of the country. Those picked up were moved into the custody of the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), Nigeria’s primary military intelligence body.

President Tinubu was formally briefed after the initial arrests. A visibly shaken presidency responded by cancelling the October 1 Independence Day parade and approving the constitution of a special investigative panel led by the Chief of Defence Intelligence, Maj. Gen. Emmanuel Undiandeye.

What had initially been described publicly as a routine internal matter had, by then, become a full-blown national security investigation.

2023 angle: Plot to stop Tinubu

As investigations deepened, a more startling dimension reportedly emerged. According to accounts from investigators, the alleged coup plot did not originate in 2025. Its roots, they claim, date back to the tense transition period of May 2023.

Sources said the original plan was to violently disrupt the 29 May 2023 inauguration, assassinate key political figures, seize strategic locations in Abuja and prevent Bola Tinubu from assuming office as president.

However, the plan was allegedly suspended at the last time due to insufficient funding and inadequate logistics. It was, investigators believe, reactivated in 2025, when the alleged conspirators felt better positioned financially and operationally.

Among the locations allegedly marked for immediate takeover were the Presidential Villa, the Guards Brigade, Niger Barracks, the Armed Forces Complex and the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport. According to investigators, specific officers were assigned roles in what they describe as a classic coup template, to neutralize the political leadership, seize communication and military command centers, and announce a takeover.

Defence Minister, Christopher Musa said he was also targeted for elimination.

Even more chilling were claims that President Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, and some service chiefs were marked for elimination.

Colonel Ma’aji, alleged mastermind

Investigators, according to a report by Premium Times, an online newspaper, have zeroed in on Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, service number N/10668, as a key figure in the alleged plot.

Born on 1 March 1976, the Nupe native from Edati Local Government Area of Niger State, joined the Nigerian Defence Academy as part of the 47 Regular Course in August 1995 and was commissioned in September 2000.

He built much of his career in the Niger Delta, participating in Operation Crocodile Smile II in 2017 and later serving in sensitive operational roles, including at the Depot Nigerian Army and as Commander, Operation Delta Safe. At the time of his arrest, he was the Commanding Officer of the 19 Battalion in Okitipupa, Ondo State.

Military sources describe him as “strategic, calculating, and well connected.” One source recalled that at some point in his career, Ma’aji had sought a posting to the Office of the National Security Adviser, a move investigators now believe may have been part of a longer-term plan to position himself close to the nation’s security nerve centre.

Financial trails are also said to place him at the center of the investigation, with allegations that he transferred funds to alleged co-plotters.

Those who have reportedly interacted with him since his arrest describe him as emotionally detached and uncooperative with investigators.

Web of arrests

What has further unsettled both the military and political establishment is the breadth of those allegedly linked to the plot.

So far, at least 35 military officers across different ranks are said to be in detention, including a brigadier general, colonels, lieutenant colonels, majors, captains and non-commissioned officers. Officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force feature on the list released by the Defence Headquarters.

A retired army general, Mohammed Ibrahim Gana, was also arrested. Investigators reportedly believe he played a role in helping Ma’aji gain admission into the NDA decades ago and may have been aware of the plan, although no direct operational link has been established. His son, a serving lieutenant colonel, is also in detention.

In a twist that stunned the public, Nollywood actor, and former Enugu Actors Guild chairman, Mr. Stanley Amandi, was arrested in Enugu and transferred to DIA custody. Authorities suspect he may have been positioned to handle media messaging and propaganda in the event of a successful takeover.

There have also been reports of a police inspector, mechanics, and even a Julius Berger staff member reportedly being picked up for allegedly providing peripheral support, such as vehicle repairs.

Former Bayelsa State governor, Timipre Sylva, has also come under scrutiny after soldiers raided his Maitama residence. Investigators are reportedly examining financial transactions allegedly linked to the plot. Sylva has denied any involvement, describing attempts to link him to the matter as politically motivated.

Tension in the barracks, anxiety at Aso Rock

Within the military, the revelations is said to have have triggered quiet introspection and tension. The idea that mid-to-senior ranking officers, many of whom served in counter-insurgency operations in the North-east, could be implicated in a coup plot has rattled morale.

For Aso Rock, the thought that such a plot allegedly dated back to the president’s inauguration has reinforced an atmosphere of caution and heightened security vigilance around the presidency.

As investigations progressed, and the Defence Headquarters finally acknowledged that some officers were being investigated for plotting to overthrow the government, the military took the unusual step of publicly naming 16 of the principal suspects.

Those named by the military are: Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq (Nasarawa, 44 Regular Course); Colonel Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji (Niger, 47 Regular Course); Lieutenant Colonel S. Bappah (Bauchi, 56 Regular Course); Lieutenant Colonel A. A. Hayatu (Kaduna, 56 Regular Course); Lieutenant Colonel P. Dangnap (Plateau, 56 Regular Course); Lieutenant Colonel M. Almakura (Nasarawa, 56 Regular Course); Major A. J. Ibrahim (Gombe, 56 Regular Course); Major M. M. Jiddah (Katsina, 56 Regular Course); Major M. A. Usman (FCT, 60 Regular Course); Major D. Yusuf (Gombe, 59 Regular Course); Major I. Dauda (Jigawa, DSSC 38); Captain I. Bello (DSSC 43); Captain A. A. Yusuf; Lieutenant S. S. Felix (DSSC); Lieutenant Commander D. B. Abdullahi ( Navy); and Squadron Leader S. B. Adamu (Nigerian Air Force).

Major J. M. Ganaks and Captain G. Binuga at large.

Beyond the officially released list, other names surfaced in investigative reports and intelligence briefings linked to the arrests. Among them is Lieutenant Colonel Sadiq Ibrahim-Gana, Commanding Officer of the 115 Battalion in Askira, Borno State, and son of retired General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana. Also mentioned is Captain A. Yusuf from Osun State and Squadron Leader Zuzu from Bayelsa State.

A police officer, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim from Taraba State, is also reportedly in detention in connection with the case.

The widening scope of arrests, spanning generals, field officers, junior officers, non-commissioned officers and even civilians, has amplified concerns about how extensive the alleged network may have been.

Allegations of harsh detention conditions

As the legal process inches forward, families of some of the detained officers have raised concerns over detention conditions. Reports indicate that some of the officers were moved from an initial DIA facility to an underground military cell in Abuja described as dark and poorly ventilated.

Sources said, at least, five of the detained officers fell ill while in custody, with two reportedly collapsing due to worsening health conditions.

Spouses and relatives have complained about prolonged incommunicado- detention, denial of access to lawyers, and lack of information about transfers between facilities.

These allegations have added a human rights dimension to an already politically sensitive case.

Shock within the military

For many within the armed forces, the development has been deeply unsettling. Several of the accused officers are said to have served with distinction in the North-east counter-insurgency operations against Boko Haram and ISWAP.

That such officers could be implicated in a coup plot has sparked quiet introspection within the ranks.

“It is surprising for obvious reasons,” said Retired Brigadier General Sani Usman. “I have had the privilege of serving in the Army for over 35 years, and despite the fact that I have left the Army, I still have fingertips on what is happening.

“Even when you describe some of the accused persons as gallant, yes, I have had the privilege of seeing them in action, especially in the North East. So, it is surprising.”

Usman, who spoke during an interview with News Central, added that, “One other thing is that the military has been trained to submit to political authority, to be loyal to the president and commander in chief of the federal republic of Nigeria.

“To further instill that, the military went through a 15-year transformation program, from 2000 to 2015, where they were trained on the nuances of democratic governance in Nigeria so that they can subject themselves to it.”

Echoes of Nigeria’s coup history

Security experts say the gravity of the allegations cannot be overstated. Brig. Gen. Bashir Adewimbi (rtd) warned of the legal consequences if the allegations are proven. “From my record, in the history of coups in this country, anyone confirmed to have been involved in any coup planning, the penalty is death penalty. You go by firing squad or by hanging.

“The army is supposed to protect democracy. It has been on since 1999. The issue of military rule is out of vogue.”

Similarly, Dr. Abubakar Mohammed Sani, a research fellow at the Department of Military Studies at the Abuja Leadership Center, said: “Coup is a grave offense because it is treasonable felony. Maybe because of what happened in Burkina Faso and Niger, some people wrongly want to carry out similar thing in Nigeria. But be that as it may, the matter has to go to court for the law to take its course, so that we’ll know whether it happened or not.”

Their comments echo a broader national anxiety and memories of Nigeria’s long history of military coups, which repeatedly truncated democratic rule before 1999.

Analysts say the alleged plot exposes potential cracks in morale, promotion structures, and internal cohesion within the armed forces. Early statements by the Defence Headquarters suggested that grievances over stalled promotions and failure in promotion examinations may have contributed to dis-affection among some officers.

The fact that the alleged plan reportedly dated back to 2023, targeting the inauguration of a democratically elected president, raises profound questions about the resilience of Nigeria’s democratic institutions, and politics of transition of power from the North to the South. Before the election late president Buhari has tried to impose former Senate president, Ahmed Lawan to succeed him, which was opposed by Northern governors led by El Rufai. The coup plot was an extension of the plan to scuttle the transition by setting up an interim government.

For Aso Rock, the saga has reinforced heightened security vigilance around the presidency. For the military, it has triggered an urgent need for internal review.

The cancellation of the 2025 Independence Day parade, now understood in the context of the unfolding investigation, symbolized the seriousness with which the presidency viewed the threat.

Awaiting court-martial

The indicted officers are expected to face court-martial under the Armed Forces Act. The Defence Headquarters has said the investigation was comprehensive and conducted in line with established procedures, and that the findings have been forwarded to the appropriate authorities.

If convicted, analysts say, the officers could face the ultimate penalty under military law. But such sentence may be subject to appeal to the Supreme Court, as this a civil government, with all laws and institutions subject to the Constitution.