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Battle for the soul of Akwa Ibom
... Godfather, godson in fight to finish
By OBINNA EZUGWU
Since the return of civilian rule in 1999, Akwa Ibom state, Nigeria’s new treasure base, has, like many other states, witnessed series of political confrontations amongst its various political actors. Yet for a state with so much at stake, it had surprisingly remained largely stable under the umbrella of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
But with recent defection of Senator Godswill Akpabio – a man determined to control the levers of power in the state – to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), and the issues that have come with it, Akwa Ibom’s fate has become uncertain; a political crisis is brewing and the PDP is under real threat of losing one of its strongholds, and residents say they no longer know what to expect.
“One can no longer say for certain which way it will go,” said Uyo based analyst, Ofonime Udo. “Both Akpabio and Udom are key political figures in the state and they both have huge followers. Right now, one cannot say where the pendulum will swing.
“If Udom holds a rally today, you will be impressed with the turn out. But if Akpabio does same tomorrow, you will also be impressed with the number of people that will attend.”
Akpabio’s defection has coincided with the ruling party’s desperate push to gain control of the country’s oil rich Niger Delta states ahead of 2019 general election. The decision of President Muhammadu Buhari to kick off his presidential campaign in the state is instructive. It is an indication that the ruling party is out to effect its capture and the motivation is not farfetched.
Gov. Udom and Senator Akpabio
Akwa Ibom is not just an ordinary Niger Delta State, it presently holds perhaps the largest oil reserve of any state in the region, and has 2.2million registered voters. Taking a significant chunk of that to add to the massive votes expected in Kano and Lagos, will be of critical to the ruling party’s push to retain power, but even more importantly, taking control of the oil rich state will deliver a blow to PDP’s finances.
Whilst Akpabio was still in office as governor in 2015, Akwa Ibom delivered 953,304 votes to former President Goodluck Jonathan, while Buhari got 58,411 votes. But now in APC and fighting with all the powers he can muster, he is out to ensure the end of a party under whose platform he ruled for eight years, in what is essentially an attempt to maintain grip on the state and settle scores with an estranged godson. He had ridiculously claimed, few weeks ago, that he had actually wanted Buhari to win the state in 2015.
“It’s a very dicey situation going into 2019 election,” said Enyeneabasi Vincent, a resident of Uyo. “APC now has political heavyweights in Akwa Ibom, but so does PDP. Akpabio may deliver his senatorial district to Buhari, but not the whole state.”
Expecting a victory for President Buhari in Akwa Ibom in next year’s election is a tall order – should the election be reasonably fair. But securing 25 percent or more could be critical in a state that has been a stronghold for the PDP, and that is what Akpabio may guarantee. Yet, for a ruling party that has effectively made clear its intention to win no matter what it takes – Buhari having decided against legalizing card readers and his niece, Amina Zakari appointed to man INEC situation room – Akwa Ibom’s status as a PDP state could be over in months.
While, given the prevailing atmosphere, one may not expect a victory for Buhari, the state’s governorship election and the fate of the incumbent governor, Emmanuel Udom, is a different kettle of fish. Here, there are two sons of Akwa Ibom South Senatorial zone: Udom of PDP and Nsima Ekere, candidate of APC, and although it may not seem immediately obvious, it will be a tough battle for the governor.
“The governorship election will be closer,” said Frank Akpan, a local business owner in the state capital. “Udom will find it hard, nothing is certain.
“Buhari will do better than he did in 2015 because of the people who have joined APC here; yes, 25 percent will be likely, probably even more.”
Udom vs. Akpabio
Outgoing governors wanting to install their puppets after leaving office is a vice that has characterised the country’s politics since 1999. But it’s one whose outcome has always been similar – burnt fingers. The only exception thus far, is Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Lagos. But Lagos is a peculiar State – a state of immigrants, whose relatively few indigenous population lack the strength to stamp authority.
Notwithstanding, Tinubu’s success has become an example many strive to replicate, and he might have been Akpabio’s inspiration when he planted Udom hoping to secure a third term through the erstwhile Lagos based banker.
But his hopes were soon dashed as Udom whose government risked collapse under the weight of his demands, decided that it was time to stand on his own feet, a move seen by the former governor as an affront, and he quickly moved to the APC, seeing the ruling party as a handy platform to push out the governor.
Akpabios defection had caused consternation, but as they say, every politics has a local base. It was alleged that the government had supplied the EFCC some incriminating facts about his stewardship in the state and the opposition capitalized on it to draft him or face disgraced and humiliation as senate minority leader. He is seen as APCs major push for the South south votes.
Ekere
Shortly after defection, five APC lawmakers accompanied by the police attempted to impeach the governor to demonstrate his new position, a move that threw the state into pandemonium.
Backed by Abuja, Akpabio is practically making the seat of governor too hot for Udom. Part of the plot against him is the ongoing N1.4 billion fraud case involving the president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Paul Usoro. Late last year, the EFCC filed fraud charges against Udom, Usoro and other members of the governor’s cabinet, for allegedly conspiring to convert a N1.4 billion property of the state government. Usoro was arraigned before a Federal High Court in Lagos, but was subsequently granted N250 million bail.
How it all began
Akwa Ibom state is divided into three senatorial districts: Akwa Ibom North East, the Uyo zone, dominated by the Ibibio and has nine of the state’s 31 local governments, and easily the most populous; Akwa Ibom North West, Ikot-Ekpene zone, dominated by the Annang, with 10 local governments, and Akwa Ibom South, Eket/Oron with 12 local governments.
The state has often presented complications in its democratic journey, in part because of the difficulty in managing the aspirations of these various groups, which sometimes, overlap. Part of that complication had, indeed paved way for the emergence Akpabio, an Annang, as governor in 2007.
Architect Obong Victor Attah, an Ibibio, who became governor of the state with the return of democracy in 1999, appointed Akpabio as commissioner for local governments – a powerful position because of the humongous funds that came as allocation to the state’s local governments. On account of that, he was therefore able to establish himself as a political force.
But although his Annang group, was expected, in line with the state’s power sharing formula, to produce Attah’s successor, it was not to be Akpabio. Attah planned to install his son-in-law, now APC chairman in the state, Udoma Bob Ekarika, as his successor.
However, he had to contend with the former secretary to the federal government, Chief Ufot Ekaette, who was an Olusegun Obasanjo confidant. Attah, architect of the resource control politics had waged a relentless war against Obasanjo and it was pay-back time when he anointed his son-in-law as successor. The coalition of Obasanjo and Ekaette thwarted Attahs succession plan and Akpabio was a direct beneficiary.
On assumption of office, Akpabio appointed Umana Okon Umana who had gone into an alliance with him and was one of the major financiers of his campaign, as his Commissioner for Finance, and subsequently, Secretary to the State Government, with the understanding that he will succeed him as governor in 2015 when power would shift to Eket. Indeed, the relationship between the duo was for the most part of Akpabio’s tenure rosy.
However, things didn’t quite go as planned. For one reason or the other, the Akpabios became uncomfortable with Umana. The first sign of things to come, for Umana, was when, during Akpabio’s 50th birthday ceremony, his wife, Unoma, took the microphone to give vote of thanks, and pointed out that her husband would not be emotional about choosing his successor, and that she could remember how much they prayed to get the job. She noted that the worst thing that could happen to them would be to choose a successor who will eventually betray them.
Mrs. Akpabio’s submission came as a surprise to many at the time because it was widely assumed that the question of who succeeds her husband was already a settled case. That, however, was the first real sign that Umana had fallen out of favour with the Akpabios.
Subsequently, Akpabio nominated Umana as Chief Executive Officer of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). But Umana interpreted the nomination as a sign of him being promoted into irrelevance and declined the job. That became the turning point.
Akpabio removed him as SSG and appointed Udom, the new anointed successor, in his stead as a stop-gap. Udom subsequently emerged PDP governorship candidate in 2014. Umana joined the APC in protest and got the party’s governorship ticket. Ultimately, Udom won the election to become governor in 2015.
For a while, the relationship between Udom and Akpabio was cordial. But it soon became obvious to Udom that Akpabio apparently wanted him to be a puppet. He allegedly gave the governor only two commissionership slots and took the rest, in addition to other sundry appointments.
Worst still, Akpabio was said to have maintained control of the state’s finances, moving funds through multiple accounts, while the governor looked on helplessly. Yet, Akpabio was said to have given himself pension package of about N500 million monthly.
With his hands tied, Udom maintained sealed lips, and when allegations of Akpabio’s dealings surfaced, he spoke in his defence. However, increasingly, he began to come under pressure over non performance. Akpabio had done well in building roads and other infrastructure across the state. Many had expected Udom to continue, if not do better. But handicapped, the governor could only do little and pressure was mounting. The Akpabio government had borrowed heavily, left him with huge debt burden, yet with limited access to state funds.
Invariably, the governor, at some point, was said to have ordered all the state’s accounts in the various banks closed and all accounts to be consolidated in Zenith Bank, so he could get a handle on the state’s finances. That marked the beginning of his fallout with Akpabio.
Akpabio and his loyalists felt betrayed and started a fight. Akpabio accused the governor of abandoning the projects he initiated, especially Sheraton Hotel in Ikot Ekpene, his home town, Ikot-Ekpene/ Uyo Expressway and a few others. Meanwhile, in his handover note, Akpabio had indicated that those projects were already completed and the monies paid.
The governor was said to have held a private meeting with him, during which he advised him against continuing with his actions. He allegedly proceeded to inform Akpabio that he was already under pressure from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to implicate him. He was said to have asked him to look at all the files of cases of contract inflations and frauds.
There was, it was revealed, a particular case of a project, the Uyo/Ikot-Ekpene Expressway whose contract was varied four times from N22 billion to over 70billion on the eve of his departure from office as governor and amount paid to Julius Berger. Yet, the contract was not executed.
Akpabio was said to have assured him that he would not speak against him again. But from that point, he became uncomfortable, it was said. Fearing that Udom already has information that can land him in trouble, he started plotting and subsequently joined the APC.
Once in APC, he reconciled with the estranged former Deputy Governor, Nsima Ekere, went into an alliance with him with a view to wrestling power from Udom, in what is now a battle of the Eket.
Addressing his supporters few months ago, Akpabio said the choice of Udom was a mistake that must be corrected.
“Udom is a mistake that must be corrected in 2019,” he said. “All hands must be on deck to ensure that the mistake is corrected for a people-oriented leadership under the ruling All Progressives Congress at the centre.”
The governor who no longer has any reason to keep mute responded in kind, stating some of his predecessors alleged sins.
“I doubt if there is any first term governor in Nigeria that has recorded the achievements recorded by Governor Emmanuel,” the governor had said in a statement signed by Mr. Charles Udoh, the state’s Commissioner for Information.
“Akpabio spent eight years as commissioner under Obong Attah; spent eight years as governor at the height of the states income receipts from the federal level, yet he couldnt complete Uyo-Ikot Ekpene Road despite appropriating almost all the sums budgeted for it.
“Akpabio also commissioned an uncompleted building with rented furniture and fittings and called it Four Points Sheraton Hotel. Governor Emmanuel has as at today facilitated the setting up of more than nine industries in just three years; Akpabio spent eight years with zero industry. Its unfortunate that Akpabio has mortgaged his conscience and is now attempting to deceive Akwa Ibom people. Akwa Ibom people are wiser.”
Akpabio is praised for developing infrastructure, while Udom has paid more attention to creating industries to address the unemployment challenge in the state. To that extent, residents say both have their areas of strength.
“Akpabio was more or less an infrastructure guy, Udom is more or less an industrialisation guy. So, it depends on what you are looking at,” said John Ugwuogo, a pharmacist based in Ikot-Ekpene. “In terms of infrastructure, Akpabio did it; in terms of industries right now, Udom is doing it.”
How the battle may pan out
Akwa Ibom has been a PDP state since 1999, and the bitterly contested 2015 election helped to cement the status of the state as the party’s stronghold. However, as is the case with most states in the South South, key political figures, including Obong Attah, the former governor, Ekere, Umana and many others, have moved to the ruling APC in the state. Akpabio’s defection to the party has changed the entire dynamics. The APC challenge in the state is very real and presents serious threat to the PDP.
Although not particularly liked by the vast majority of Ibibio who represent the largest voting bloc, Akpabio is no doubt the biggest political actor in the state at the moment. Despite embarking on massive infrastructural development in the state, he is seen as being too ostentatious. And for all his efforts, he failed to build or attract industries that could create jobs, meaning that unemployment remained a huge challenge despite the humongous amount of money accruing to the state.
Yet, there is the belief that given the resources available to him, he could have done much more than he did even at less cost. However, despite his being disliked, Akpabio remains a force to reckon with in the state’s politics. His support for Ekere will ensure that he will be no push over. But there are a number of factors that may decide the election, and a number of them will work in Udom’s favour.
Zonal configuration
Both Udom and Ekere are of the Akwa Ibom South Senatorial zone… often seen as fringe Ibibio. To this end, it is a given that the zone’s votes will be split. But Udom’s part, Eket has a lion share of the zone’s local governments and population compared to Ekere’s Oron group.
Akwa Ibom North West, the Ikot-Ekpene zone where Akpabio comes from, may tend to follow their son, the former governor. But given that PDP remains a dominant party in the state and Udom’s wife happens to be an Annang from the zone, it is likely that the votes will be split.
The Akwa Ibom North East, the Uyo zone is likely the zone to decide the election. Indeed, it would be safe to say that he who wins Uyo will win the election. And as it stands, the people of the zone are tilting towards Udom for one or two reasons.
One is that they expect that power would return to them after the governor’s second tenure in 2023. And that should Ekere emerge, it could mean another eight years for the Southern zone. Similarly, many interpret Akpabio’s support for Ekere as an attempt to build a political dynasty in the state, hence there appears to be a push to stop him.
In May last year, stakeholders of the zone endorsed the governor in a well attended event at the Uyo Township Stadium. The chairman of the occasion and leader of the zone, Otuekong Nkanga, had while conveying the endorsement pointed out that it was only fair to allow the governor to complete eight years.
If Akwa Ibom North-East Senatorial District, through Obong Victor Attah, served as governor for eight years and Chief Godswill Akpabio from Akwa Ibom North-West Senatorial District also served for eight years, it is fair and just that Governor Udom Emmanuel from Akwa Ibom South Senatorial District continues till 2023,” he said.
But Udoh says Ibibio support may not be a guarantee for Udom.
“You have to ask how united are the Ibibio. Let’s not forget we also have Ibibio on the other side of the divide. And in fact, both candidates are somewhat Ibibio. So, if Ibibio divide their votes, the Annang stand behind Akpabio, then Udom may have a problem. But his wife is Annang, so he will have his supporters there too.
“The way it is going, it is turning out to be a battle between the governor and Akpabio, but it shouldn’t be that way. It should be between the governor and Ekere.”
Obong Attah factor.
Attah remains a respected political figure among the Ibibio. Due to the circumstances of Akpabio’s emergence as governor in 2007, both men have remained political rivals in many respects. And Akpabio had spent a great amount of energy talking ill of Attah when he became governor.
Although Attah had joined the APC, and was until Akpabio defection to the party, its leader in the state, he is gradually pulling away from the party because of Akpabio and is increasingly lending support to the incumbent.
He had noted few weeks ago that the senator was going to be a liability for the party in the state. And when Akpabio hosted his ‘grand reception’ into APC, he had snubbed him along-side his son-in-law and chairman of the party in the state, Ekarika.
“Presently, Attah is playing the role of an elder statesman. But one can say he is more with the PDP now. When he celebrated his birthday the state government was involved and an airport has been named after him,” Udo said.
Party affiliation
Political parties are a major deciding factor in how people vote in elections, and as far as party is concerned, the PDP remains more popular in the state.
“PDP remains very strong,” said Akpan. “Just recently, many people moved from APC to PDP. It has been happening like that. And you know, Akpabio’s brother is a commissioner under Udom, so it’s all complicated.”
Federal might
Without a doubt, the APC led federal government will bring its might to bear in the election. And as the examples of Osun and Ekiti have shown, federal might can be a major deciding factor. Indeed, the Akwa Ibom APC would be relying on this as its key strength going into the polls. But will it be enough? Only February will tell.